2011年6月19日

Chinese takeaway kitchen

Myanmar

Chinese takeaway kitchen
中国的外卖厨房

Three articles look at China's influence in South-East Asia: first; resentment in Myanmar; second, Cambodian rivalries; third, Banyan on the strategic implications
有三篇文章关注中国在东南亚的影响:第一篇是关于缅甸对中国的怨恨,第二篇是柬埔寨的敌对,第三篇是印度的战略影响
Jun 9th 2011 | MYITKYINA, KACHIN STATE | from the print edition

WAIST-DEEP in the muddy water, hundreds of people swirl their pans, scouring the black sediment for the sparkle of gold dust. They have come from all over Myanmar to Kachin state, where the N'Mai and Mali rivers merge to form the mighty Irrawaddy, knowing that a good day may yield $1,000-worth of gold―and that time for gold-panning is running out.
在齐腰深的泥水中,成百上千的人晃动他们的淘金盆,冲刷黑色的杂质以获得闪耀的金沙。他们来自从缅甸到克钦邦(恩梅开江和迈立开江汇聚形成伟大的伊洛瓦底江的地方)的各个地方,他们知道收成好的话一天能得到价值1,000美元的金子――而淘金的日子也快结束了。

Across the river, the corrugated-iron roofs of a prefabricated barracks glint in the midday sun. They house hundreds of Chinese labourers working on the Myitsone hydropower project. This, according to Myanmar's government, will be the sixth highest dam in the world, and generate 6,000MW of electricity a year. On completion in 2019, the dam will flood the gold-prospecting area and displace more than 10,000 people. All the electricity will be exported to China. All the revenue will go to Myanmar's government. If an environmental and social impact study was conducted at all, it did not involve consulting the affected villagers.
在江对面,一个提前造好的工地宿舍的波状铁皮屋顶在中午的阳光照射下闪闪发光,里面居住着许多为莫冒水电站工作的中国工人。据缅甸政府称,莫冒大坝将是世界第六高,且发电量达6,000兆瓦每年。2019年大坝竣工时,将淹没金矿开采区,并转移一万多人。而所有的电将出口至中国,所有的收入将归于缅甸政府。如果政府真的会进行一个关于环境和社会影响的研究的话,也不会包括访问受影响的村民的。

A local Catholic priest who led prayers against the dam says his parishioners were moved to a "model" village, into tiny houses on plots too small for cultivation. The letters of concern he sent to Myanmar's leaders went unanswered. He says he will stay in his historic church "till the waters rise over the doorstep".
当地一位领导教徒反对建大坝的天主教牧师说,他所在教区的居民被迁移到一个"模范"村,住进建在一个小到无法耕种的地区的小房子里。他寄给缅甸领导人的重要信件都没有得到回复。他说自己会留守在这座有历史意义的教堂里,"直到洪水淹过门阶"。

Those displaced are not the only ones worrying about the project. The project abuts territory controlled by the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO), one of a plethora of ethnic insurgencies that have battled the central government for decades. Last year several bombs exploded at the dam site and in May the KIO warned that if the dam were not stopped it would lead to civil war. The KIO's armed wing recently engaged in skirmishes with government forces, despite a notional ceasefire.
被迁移的人们不是唯一担忧这项工程的人。大坝毗邻克钦政党控制区,克钦政党是一支和中央政府对抗几十年的大量少数民族武装之一。去年,大坝所在地发生数起爆炸事件,今年五月份,克钦政党警告说如果大坝不停工的话,将会引发缅甸内战。虽然名义上已经停火,但近期克钦政党的武装派别与政府军发生数次小规模战斗。

The KIO was banned from last year's election in Myanmar because it refused to let its fighters join the government's "border security force". Its threat came as Myanmar's newly installed "civilian" president, Thein Sein, a former general, embarked on a state visit to China.
克钦政党自去年缅甸的大选开始被取缔,因为他们拒绝自己的战士参加政府组织的"边防保卫队"。而当缅甸的前国防军司令、新任"平民化"总统吴登盛踏上对中国的国事访问之旅时,克钦政党的威胁随之而来。

China has a big stake in Myanmar. It is the country's leading foreign investor. Myitsone is one of many hydropower, mining and infrastructure projects there. China's most ambitious undertaking is a new deep-sea port for oil tankers. Due for completion in 2013, it will take gas from Myanmar's offshore Shwe field and will have the capacity to satisfy 10% of China's oil-import needs.
中国与缅甸利害攸关,它是缅甸最大的外来投资者。莫冒水电站是中国众多水电工程、采矿业和基础建设工程之一。中国最野心勃勃的事业是一个新建的油轮深海港口。这项工程2013年应该可以竣工,它将从缅甸近海的若开海上油气区采油,且有能力满足中国石油进口需求的10%。

These close ties are not entirely comfortable for either side. Between 1m and 2m Chinese citizens have moved into northern Myanmar. They dominate the jade-and-gem trade, push up land prices and flaunt their wealth in Mandalay and Myitkyina, where all the posh cars have Chinese number plates. Local resentment is growing. Church leaders in Myitkyina say Chinese people make up more than half the population. Many Burmese say their northern states are like a Chinese province.
中缅这些密切联系对双方来说不完全是令人舒心的。有一到两百万中国居民移民到缅甸北部,他们控制了玉石贸易,炒高低价并炫耀他们在曼德勒和密支那的财富,在这些地区,豪华车都装有中国车牌。当地人对中国的怨恨不断加深。密支那的教堂领袖说中国人占据当地人口的一半以上,很多缅甸人说他们的北部地区就像中国的一个省。

China, for its part, worries about the security of its investments and people. In the past it has leaned on Myanmar's leaders to prevent fighting between the army and the ethnic insurgencies. When conflict broke out in 2009 with the Kokang, an ethnic-Han-Chinese minority, 37,000 people fled to China, provoking sharp criticism of the Burmese junta.
中国方面担心他们的投资和人民的安全。过去,中国知道缅甸的领导人会阻止政府军和少数民族武装的战争。当2009年缅甸政府军和一个由中国汉族组成的果敢族武装发生战斗,37,000果敢人逃往中国,这引起了缅甸军政府的尖锐指责。

As its economic interests have grown, China has pressed for more access to Myanmar's harbours and territorial waters, to monitor the security of the new port and pipelines, and to keep an eye out for pirates. But this is a neuralgic issue for a country with a deep-seated suspicion of its powerful northern neighbour.
随着经济利益的增长,中国迫切需要更多进入缅甸港口和领海的入口,监控新港口和输油管的安全性,并且要留心海盗出没。但这对一个对其北方邻国有着根深蒂固的猜疑的国家来说,是个非常头痛的问题。

Myanmar's xenophobic leaders are trying to reduce their dependence on China by playing it off against India and the West. But India has been slow in trying to gain a toehold, while America and the European Union have recently extended sanctions on Myanmar. These include America's embargo on backing loans from the World Bank, which would impose higher environmental and other standards on big infrastructure projects such as Myitsone.
缅甸仇外的领导人试图通过让中国和印度、美国鹬蚌相争来降低其对中国的依赖。但是,印度对插足缅甸没有太大兴趣,而美国和欧盟最近延长了对缅甸的经济制裁,其中包括美国禁止缅甸从世界银行贷款,这将提高诸如莫冒水电站等基础设施工程的环境和其他标准。

So the regime is being drawn into China's orbit as much from necessity as choice. That does not make China any more popular. In the words of an old Burmese monk: "We are China's kitchen. They take what they like and leave us with the rubbish."
所以缅甸政府被带进中国的轨道不仅是个选择,也是种需要。这并未使中国更受欢迎。如一位年老的缅甸僧人所说:"我们是中国的厨房,他们拿走了他们想要的,留下一堆垃圾给我们
 

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