2011年7月31日

Stumbling to the Halfway Mark

Stumbling to the Halfway Mark

Brokers' stock picks had a nice run following the financial crisis. This year has been a great deal tougher. So who's worth listening to these days?

It didn't take too many hits from the market to snap the brokers' winning streak in the Barron's-Zacks semiannual stock-picking contest.

The Standard & Poor's 500 Index managed a respectable 6% total return in the six months ended June 30, but that included two brief 7% drops and rebounds in March and June. The volatility was enough to restrain the brokers' average return to 5% in the same period (see table below). Thus ends four straight rankings, extending over 2009 and 2010, in which the mean return of the brokers' focus lists―or best stock ideas―beat the index.

Blame the waxing and waning macro concerns in the first half, like the sovereign-debt crisis, the economic damage from the Japanese tsunami and worries about a U.S. economic slowdown. Well, strings are made to be broken.

Every six months Barron's and Zacks Investment Research rank the stock picks of America's brokers―some of them big-name banks like Goldman Sachs, but others less well-known entities like Wedbush Securities. (A more detailed description of the methodology is at the end of this article.)

Historically, when times are fat, brokers tend to outperform in this contest. However, in both bear and herky-jerky markets―presumably when stock picking is more difficult and important―brokers tend to disappoint and underperform, as the group did in the first half and during the 2008 bear market.

In any case, each of the six-, 12-, 36- and 60-month periods has winners and losers. The winners in the six-month group can crow a little louder this time because they outperformed when things turned rough in the first half.

Discount broker Charles Schwab scored a double victory, taking first place in both the six- and 12-month contests, up 10% and 40%, respectively. This marks a return to prominence for the San Francisco-based broker, which was a consistent leader in 2005-2007 but then fell to the middle of the pack.

Elwood Smith for Barron's

In the three-year tally, McAdams Wright Ragen won going away, with a blistering 47% return, far ahead of the pack and many times better than the market's return. Though a smaller regional broker with a relatively narrow base of analyst coverage, the Seattle-based broker scored a repeat victory. After a poor start in 2007-2008, McAdams Wright has consistently posted enviable returns, punching above its weight class.

THE FIVE-YEAR GOLD MEDAL goes to, appropriately enough, Goldman, up 24%. The firm has regularly scored at or near the top over the years, particularly in this longer-term period. A look at the S&P 500 chart for mid-2006 to mid-2011 shows a steep "V" pattern: from the end of a bull market, to a bear, and back to a bull market. Consequently, strong five-year performances are notable.

Honorable mentions go to Bank of America Merrill Lynch; Edward Jones, another comeback kid; and New Constructs, which finished second in the three-year rally, but also had a tough time in the six-month contest.

Wells Fargo Advisors has the unwanted distinction of cellar-dweller in the other three periods. A WFA spokesman explained in an e-mail: "We take a full balance-sheet approach, focusing not just on individual security selection but asset allocation and long-term planning,"

At a sector level, a successful strategy can be attributed in part to the brave feat of including health-care stocks, a despised group from 2006-2010. In the first half of 2011, health care was the best-performing sector. Having retail stocks also helped the top performers in the first six months, says Tracey Ryniec, a Zacks equity strategist. Both luxury and budget-minded companies boosted returns, she adds. Energy stocks were a plus, too. The lack of financial stocks, the worst-acting group in the period, was a major advantage. Indeed, financials were a curse to all the periods reviewed.

Greg Forsythe, Charles Schwab's director of equity ratings, explains that the broker's revival was due in part to a change in the market. After the credit crunch, stocks were moving up and down indiscriminately on macro factors, and "that's an environment where our approach struggles." That phenomenon is receding, and with the tweaking of Schwab's equity model portfolio―fixed at 100 names and sector-neutral―its performance has improved sharply.

Out-of-favor and contrarian picks such as CBS (ticker: CBS) and Humana (HUM), both up almost 50% in the first half, and Alaska Air (ALK), up 21%, were on Schwab's list, and remain there.

Forsythe has added and removed factors to improve the model, which tries to find stocks with low but improving expectations. For example, it no longer measures share buybacks, as further study shows they are "much less effective" buy signals than they once were, he says.

Sometimes less is more, and with a much smaller list, just 20 names typically, McAdams Wright's director of equity research, Paul Latta, has pulled off another victory. His focus list had financials, but they were the right ones: MasterCard (MA) and Moody's (MCO), up 35% and 45%, respectively, in the first half. Moody's remains on the list.

For the full three-year ranking, the recent purchase of health-care stocks, few bank holdings, and nimble moves in and out of consumer stocks like Starbucks (SBUX), Nordstrom (JWN) and Whole Foods (WFMI), propelled performance―stocks that are no longer on the list. More recently, McAdams Wright has taken on some income characteristics, with a 3.1% dividend yield currently, buying stocks like Microsoft (MSFT) and Intel (INTC).

Another new stock is Philips Electronics (PHG), the Dutch maker of medical equipment, lighting and consumer electronics. It's a contrarian value call and a way to diversify the list geographically, Latta says.

Goldman moved up to first place in the five-year score from second last time around. The broker's co-head of Americas equity research, Robert Boroujerdi, says its list benefited from changes in thematic focus as the bull and bear markets played out. Like other winners, Goldman's 50-to-60-stock list generally lacked financial stocks and recently filled out its health-care position.

Pre-Lehman bankruptcy, he says, Goldman included global growth stocks such as Monsanto (MON). As the global recovery began, in late 2008, it added cyclical stocks, including vehicle-parts makers Tenneco (TEN), Dana Holding (DAN) and Cummins (CMI). In recent years the "conviction list." as it's called, took on late-cycle names, like entertainment outfit Viacom (VIA) and Precision Castparts (PCP), both of which remain. New Goldman names: MAKO Surgical (MAKO), a medical-device maker, and Plains Exploration & Production (PXP), part of an overweight in energy stocks, adds Boroujerdi.

Coming in second over five years is Edward Jones, the St. Louis broker whose conservative approach is geared to its Midwest clientele. The 40-to-60-name stock-focus list goes for high-quality companies that pay good dividends and increase them regularly.

That stood the broker in good stead during the bearish part of the period, says Dave Powers, the director of equity research. An underweight in financials and timely purchases of industrial and heath-care stocks have helped boost performance as well.

A recent addition is Boeing (BA). There are concerns about defense cuts and delivery delays for its new 787 aircraft, but Boeing should overcome them, says Powers. In a small departure, he bought non-dividend-paying Google (GOOG): "It has other attributes we look for, including leader in its industry, solid financial position, high returns on capital, strong free cash flow and attractive growth potential."

Bank of America Merrill Lynch also put up market-beating numbers, though it fell to fifth place over the six months, from first in the previous contest.

The firm's 20-to-30-name US 1 List, as it's called, was helped by an underweight in financials and by health-care biotech names like Alkermes (ALKS) and Pharmasset (VRUS), both of which remain on the list.

Oil-and-gas exploration company Anadarko Petroleum (APC) joined the list recently. Steve Fleishman, who is chairman of the committee running the list, says an energy underweight has hurt the list, and Anadarko, which has had impressive exploration success over the past year, will help.

Fleishman says he's become less enthused about "economic plays." Like Schwab's Forsythe, he says that for two years, all stocks were going up together on economic recovery, but "with less clarity on the economic outlook, returns will be more tied to stock-specific factors."

As the most recent period shows, uncertain stock markets can be the undoing of broker-focus lists. But followers of this contest know most brokers go through hot and cold streaks, so investors should look for durable, long-term outperformance from focus lists. If market volatility continues, the average broker-focus return will wobble, too.  

Behind the Lists

Zacks Investment Research compiles the data and then scores the brokers by keeping a running tally of each focus list for various periods over the past five years. In tracking brokers' best ideas, Zacks puts a stock in a theoretical portfolio when the broker adds it to its focus list, and takes it out when the broker removes it. While similar in intent, these lists differ in significant ways. For example, some are updated at regular intervals, but others can be changed whenever it's deemed necessary.

The sizes of most lists are flexible, although in some cases the numbers can be fixed. Most lists have 20 to 50 names, but some, like Charles Schwab's, can run to 100. The smaller the list the more exposed it is to one or two stellar or disastrous picks. With big lists, individual picks matter less but it's tougher to beat the index because each stock is a smaller percentage of the portfolio. Some or our participants focus on large caps and others small and mid cap stocks, which over long periods of time tend to outperform big caps.

Additionally, Chicago-based Zacks ranks the brokers' picks on an equal-weighted basis, while the Standard & Poor's 500 index is weighted according to its components' market capitalization. As a result, brokers' results aren't strictly comparable to the S&P 500's. In order to help readers get a better perspective on relative performance, our tables show the S&P returns on an equal-weighted basis as well.

It's All About the Revenues at Amazon

It's All About the Revenues at Amazon

The online retailer is unique: The stock rises when the company reports weaker earnings. How that's possible and why the shares can fly still higher.

Amazon.com is a religion stock: either you are a believer, or you are not.

This has been true ever since the Internet gold-rush days of the late '90s. How else can one explain a 3.9% surge in shares after quarterly earnings fell 8% despite a 51% jump in revenue―the highest gain in 10 years? Amazon (ticker: AMZN) last week reported earnings of $191 million, or 41 cents a share, versus $207 million, or 45 cents a share, a year earlier. That beat analysts' consensus estimates of 35 cents, which were cut three months ago after management warned of shrinking margins. Revenue surged to $9.91 billion from $6.57 billion last year. Revenue from electronics, such as Kindle e-readers, and general merchandise soared 69% to $5.89 billion. Sales of books, CDs, DVDs and other media jumped 27% to $3.66 billion.

Mario Tama/Getty Images

Jeff Bezos: Sam Walton to a new generation of consumers.

Amazon_p
Amazon_p

Generally, such a disconnect between revenue and earnings would spook investors, but Amazon's stock―and its flock―is sales driven. Back in the original tech bubble, Jeff Bezos' upstart would spend freely with little detailed explanation and ask investors to sit tight. We were skeptical about the stock for years but wrote positively about it in early 2009 ("The World's Best Retailer," March 30, 2009), when the shares were trading at just 70 and annual revenue was about $20 billion. We see no reason to change course. Amazon has compiled a 14-year track record of investing aggressively in technology, distribution and real estate at the expense of margins, only to reap stellar revenues in return.

Amazon's stock performance points to "investors who believe in the revenue story and are willing to be patient regarding the company's heavy investments," says Faye Landes, a retailing analyst with Stamford, Conn.-based Consumer Edge Research. Landes is still bullish on Amazon shares despite their trading at an unthinkable 107 times 2011 earnings estimates (see chart below). She has an Outperform rating and a 250 target, about 12% above Friday's levels. Amazon shares are up 24% for the year.

Growth Stock

Amazon shares have been on a tear for three years, as its big investments in areas like distribution, Kindle and cloud computing continue to pay off.

Recent Price $223.90
Revenue '10 (bil) $34.20
Revenue '11E (bil) 48.01
Capital Expenditure '10 (bil) $0.98
Capital Expediture '11E (bil) $1.15
EPS '11E $2.09
EPS '12E $3.33
P/E '11E 107.3
P/E '12E 67.3
E=Estimate
Source: Thomson Reuters

Citigroup Internet analyst Mark Mahaney is even more optimistic. "They are showing great growth and investing like they expect great growth," says Mahaney, who rates the stock Buy and revised his 12-month target last week to 280 from 240 despite cutting his 2011 earnings-per-share estimates to $1.97 from $2.36.

Thomas Szkutak, Amazon's chief financial officer, warned investors to expect accelerated investment and lower profits during the third quarter despite projected sales growth of as much as 47% to $11.1 billion. He estimated operating income of $20 million to $170 million, a rather cavernous gap representing a range of declines of 93% to 37%.

Where is the money going? Mostly to the company's tech-intensive fulfillment and distribution centers. Before last week, Amazon planned on nine new warehouses for 2011, but now it has increased that number to "more than 15." Some of those are international markets, such as Australia. Amazon also continues to invest in its Kindle e-reader franchise and is rumored to be working on the launch of a tablet device. On top of that, Amazon keeps building massive data centers to support its industry-leading cloud-services unit, Amazon Web Services.

WHILE PAST PERFORMANCE isn't predictive, CFO Szkutak contends that previous heavy investments have produced high returns. "We need both fulfillment capacity and infrastructure capacity. It is a high-quality problem," the CFO told investors. It's "something that we've done before," he said, and have worked to perfect since the company was formed in the mid-1990s.

Landes, a veteran Amazon watcher, understands the connection between distribution expansion and revenue growth, explaining the forces behind the recent sales surge in a punk economy. Amazon remains a low-price leader and is increasing its share of consumers' spending across a broad range of categories beyond books and electronics, to products such as groceries and personal-care. Landes credits the Prime membership program, which facilitates inexpensive overnight shipping, as a key contributor.

The Bottom Line

Amazon shares could jump by 10% to 25% if it can continue to turn its substantial capital outlays into rapid growth in its traditional retailing, Kindle and cloud-computing businesses.

To own Amazon shares, investors not only need to weigh the risks of capital expense devoted to e-commerce distribution but understand the magnitude of the company's commitment to its cloud-computing business, which is likely to require hundreds of millions of dollars in data-center construction. The company doesn't break out revenue from Amazon Web Services, but analysts estimate them between $700 million and $1 billion. "You should expect that we continue to invest in that business because of the high-growth nature of it. It is growing very fast," says Szkutak. "That's a great big space to be investing in."

Shareholders also have to bear in mind that states are still fighting to secure more taxes due on Amazon goods. Amazon recently cut ties to thousands of California affiliates after that state imposed an Internet-sales tax.

Perhaps the most pragmatic way to view Amazon is to compare it with Sam Walton's Wal-Mart Stores (WMT) in the 1990s, says Morgan Stanley Internet analyst Scott Devitt. In 1991, Wal-Mart posted an amazing 35% increase in revenues, to about $44 billion. In 2011, Amazon.com could rack up a 43% rise in revenue to $49 billion. "Amazon.com is the Wal-Mart of our era, but it's better," because its storeless business model could lead to higher long-term economic returns, he says. Amazon shareholders just need to keep the faith. 

2011年7月27日

Toward the light?

Tibet, China and America

Toward the light?

Jul 19th 2011, 14:31 by Banyan

ON THE topic of Tibet, Xi Jinping, the man widely expected to be the next leader of the Chinese Communist Party, sounds much like his predecessors. Speaking on July 19th in the capital, Lhasa, in front of the Potala Palace, former residence of the Dalai Lamas, Tibet's spiritual leaders, he celebrated the way Chinese rule had led Tibet "from the dark toward the light". 

In material terms, he has an obvious point. Tibet is far better-off than in 1951, when a young Dalai Lama reached a "17-point agreement" ceding Chinese sovereignty over the territory. He also has a point that, before 1951, Tibet was not some idyllic Shangri-La of tinkling temple bells, lowing conch shells and smiling people, but a highly stratified society relying on mass monasticism and serfdom.

The difficulty Mr Xi and his predecessors face, however, is that large numbers of Tibetans resent Chinese rule. Many are still loyal to the Dalai Lama, who fled into exile with some 80,000 of his followers after the crushing of an anti-Chinese uprising in 1959. Since then the region has been scarred by periodic riots, including a bloody outburstof anti-Chinese violence in Lhasa in 2008.

This year has seen a confrontation at the Kirti monastery in a part of historic Tibet now incorporated in the Chinese province of Sichuan, after a young monk burnt himself to death in March. Hundreds of monks have been taken off for "patriotic education". This year has also seen a heavy security crackdown to prevent any unrest to mark the 60th anniversary of the 17-point agreement, or the Party's 90th birthday on July 1st.

China, in public at least, blames the Dalai Lama for the continued Tibetan disaffection. So its spokesmen fume when he is received by foreign leaders, especially America's. On July 16th Barack Obama met the Dalai Lama in the White House. After the meeting, the White House emphasised that, besides underlining America's support for Tibetans' cultural identity and human rights, Mr Obama also repeatedAmerica's acceptance of Chinese sovereignty over Tibet. 

Nevertheless, the People's Daily called the meeting "an unscrupulous trick of pragmatism" that undermined the United States' position as a great world power. Mr Obama has partly himself to blame for the accusation of pragmatism. In 2009 he postponed a meeting with the Dalai Lama in order not to sour the atmosphere for his trip to China a few months later―in effect conceding that such meetings are not matters of pure principle.

So America will hope that China's formulaic protests are sheer bluster. Almost all American presidents meet the Dalai Lama, though they often agonise about the precise logistics and status of the meeting. And now, in formal terms at least, the Dalai Lama has no political role. This year he renounced it, devolving it to a "prime minister" elected by Tibetans in exile.

After all, America and China have much else to worry about at the moment―notably the possibility of an American sovereign-debt default, forthcoming talks on regional security and a brief forthcoming visit by the secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, to China next week. So both sides have an interest in letting the latest row over Tibet fade from the memory.

So long as he is around, the Dalai Lama will remain the rallying-point for Tibetans opposed to Chinese rule. Yet he also remains committed to a negotiated solution―one, in fact, that would closely resemble the "one-country, two-system" model envisaged in the 17-point agreement.

So it is, for China, a peculiar document to commemorate. In it, China promised not to alter "the existing political system in Tibet". In 1951 the political system was a feudal theocracy. Now, Tibetans in exile enjoy the forms of parliamentary democracy, though the exile government enjoys no international recognition whatever. 

Mr Xi's problem is that Tibetans in China chafe at autocratic Chinese rule. It is convenient to blame this on the Dalai Lama. But he probably remains the last and only hope for a settlement offering some Tibetan acquiescence in Chinese rule. Mr Xi, like most Chinese Communist leaders who have gone before him, promises the Party will "completely smash any plot to destroy stability", and seems to prefer the only alternative to consensual rule―continued repression.

Toward the light?

Tibet, China and America

Toward the light?

Jul 19th 2011, 14:31 by Banyan

ON THE topic of Tibet, Xi Jinping, the man widely expected to be the next leader of the Chinese Communist Party, sounds much like his predecessors. Speaking on July 19th in the capital, Lhasa, in front of the Potala Palace, former residence of the Dalai Lamas, Tibet's spiritual leaders, he celebrated the way Chinese rule had led Tibet "from the dark toward the light". 

In material terms, he has an obvious point. Tibet is far better-off than in 1951, when a young Dalai Lama reached a "17-point agreement" ceding Chinese sovereignty over the territory. He also has a point that, before 1951, Tibet was not some idyllic Shangri-La of tinkling temple bells, lowing conch shells and smiling people, but a highly stratified society relying on mass monasticism and serfdom.

The difficulty Mr Xi and his predecessors face, however, is that large numbers of Tibetans resent Chinese rule. Many are still loyal to the Dalai Lama, who fled into exile with some 80,000 of his followers after the crushing of an anti-Chinese uprising in 1959. Since then the region has been scarred by periodic riots, including a bloody outburstof anti-Chinese violence in Lhasa in 2008.

This year has seen a confrontation at the Kirti monastery in a part of historic Tibet now incorporated in the Chinese province of Sichuan, after a young monk burnt himself to death in March. Hundreds of monks have been taken off for "patriotic education". This year has also seen a heavy security crackdown to prevent any unrest to mark the 60th anniversary of the 17-point agreement, or the Party's 90th birthday on July 1st.

China, in public at least, blames the Dalai Lama for the continued Tibetan disaffection. So its spokesmen fume when he is received by foreign leaders, especially America's. On July 16th Barack Obama met the Dalai Lama in the White House. After the meeting, the White House emphasised that, besides underlining America's support for Tibetans' cultural identity and human rights, Mr Obama also repeatedAmerica's acceptance of Chinese sovereignty over Tibet. 

Nevertheless, the People's Daily called the meeting "an unscrupulous trick of pragmatism" that undermined the United States' position as a great world power. Mr Obama has partly himself to blame for the accusation of pragmatism. In 2009 he postponed a meeting with the Dalai Lama in order not to sour the atmosphere for his trip to China a few months later―in effect conceding that such meetings are not matters of pure principle.

So America will hope that China's formulaic protests are sheer bluster. Almost all American presidents meet the Dalai Lama, though they often agonise about the precise logistics and status of the meeting. And now, in formal terms at least, the Dalai Lama has no political role. This year he renounced it, devolving it to a "prime minister" elected by Tibetans in exile.

After all, America and China have much else to worry about at the moment―notably the possibility of an American sovereign-debt default, forthcoming talks on regional security and a brief forthcoming visit by the secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, to China next week. So both sides have an interest in letting the latest row over Tibet fade from the memory.

So long as he is around, the Dalai Lama will remain the rallying-point for Tibetans opposed to Chinese rule. Yet he also remains committed to a negotiated solution―one, in fact, that would closely resemble the "one-country, two-system" model envisaged in the 17-point agreement.

So it is, for China, a peculiar document to commemorate. In it, China promised not to alter "the existing political system in Tibet". In 1951 the political system was a feudal theocracy. Now, Tibetans in exile enjoy the forms of parliamentary democracy, though the exile government enjoys no international recognition whatever. 

Mr Xi's problem is that Tibetans in China chafe at autocratic Chinese rule. It is convenient to blame this on the Dalai Lama. But he probably remains the last and only hope for a settlement offering some Tibetan acquiescence in Chinese rule. Mr Xi, like most Chinese Communist leaders who have gone before him, promises the Party will "completely smash any plot to destroy stability", and seems to prefer the only alternative to consensual rule―continued repression.

Toward the light?

Tibet, China and America

Toward the light?

Jul 19th 2011, 14:31 by Banyan

ON THE topic of Tibet, Xi Jinping, the man widely expected to be the next leader of the Chinese Communist Party, sounds much like his predecessors. Speaking on July 19th in the capital, Lhasa, in front of the Potala Palace, former residence of the Dalai Lamas, Tibet's spiritual leaders, he celebrated the way Chinese rule had led Tibet "from the dark toward the light". 

In material terms, he has an obvious point. Tibet is far better-off than in 1951, when a young Dalai Lama reached a "17-point agreement" ceding Chinese sovereignty over the territory. He also has a point that, before 1951, Tibet was not some idyllic Shangri-La of tinkling temple bells, lowing conch shells and smiling people, but a highly stratified society relying on mass monasticism and serfdom.

The difficulty Mr Xi and his predecessors face, however, is that large numbers of Tibetans resent Chinese rule. Many are still loyal to the Dalai Lama, who fled into exile with some 80,000 of his followers after the crushing of an anti-Chinese uprising in 1959. Since then the region has been scarred by periodic riots, including a bloody outburstof anti-Chinese violence in Lhasa in 2008.

This year has seen a confrontation at the Kirti monastery in a part of historic Tibet now incorporated in the Chinese province of Sichuan, after a young monk burnt himself to death in March. Hundreds of monks have been taken off for "patriotic education". This year has also seen a heavy security crackdown to prevent any unrest to mark the 60th anniversary of the 17-point agreement, or the Party's 90th birthday on July 1st.

China, in public at least, blames the Dalai Lama for the continued Tibetan disaffection. So its spokesmen fume when he is received by foreign leaders, especially America's. On July 16th Barack Obama met the Dalai Lama in the White House. After the meeting, the White House emphasised that, besides underlining America's support for Tibetans' cultural identity and human rights, Mr Obama also repeatedAmerica's acceptance of Chinese sovereignty over Tibet. 

Nevertheless, the People's Daily called the meeting "an unscrupulous trick of pragmatism" that undermined the United States' position as a great world power. Mr Obama has partly himself to blame for the accusation of pragmatism. In 2009 he postponed a meeting with the Dalai Lama in order not to sour the atmosphere for his trip to China a few months later―in effect conceding that such meetings are not matters of pure principle.

So America will hope that China's formulaic protests are sheer bluster. Almost all American presidents meet the Dalai Lama, though they often agonise about the precise logistics and status of the meeting. And now, in formal terms at least, the Dalai Lama has no political role. This year he renounced it, devolving it to a "prime minister" elected by Tibetans in exile.

After all, America and China have much else to worry about at the moment―notably the possibility of an American sovereign-debt default, forthcoming talks on regional security and a brief forthcoming visit by the secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, to China next week. So both sides have an interest in letting the latest row over Tibet fade from the memory.

So long as he is around, the Dalai Lama will remain the rallying-point for Tibetans opposed to Chinese rule. Yet he also remains committed to a negotiated solution―one, in fact, that would closely resemble the "one-country, two-system" model envisaged in the 17-point agreement.

So it is, for China, a peculiar document to commemorate. In it, China promised not to alter "the existing political system in Tibet". In 1951 the political system was a feudal theocracy. Now, Tibetans in exile enjoy the forms of parliamentary democracy, though the exile government enjoys no international recognition whatever. 

Mr Xi's problem is that Tibetans in China chafe at autocratic Chinese rule. It is convenient to blame this on the Dalai Lama. But he probably remains the last and only hope for a settlement offering some Tibetan acquiescence in Chinese rule. Mr Xi, like most Chinese Communist leaders who have gone before him, promises the Party will "completely smash any plot to destroy stability", and seems to prefer the only alternative to consensual rule―continued repression.

China's family planning

China's family planning
中国计划生育政策

Illegal children will be confiscated
违法生育就没收孩子


The one-child policy is not just a human-rights abomination; it has also worsened a demographic problem
独生子女政策不仅在人权方面广受诟病,它也使得人口问题雪上加霜

Jul 21st 2011 | from the print edition



"BEFORE 1997 they usually punished us by tearing down our houses for breaching the one-child policy…After 2000 they began to confiscate our children." Thus Yuan Chaoren, a villager from Longhui county in Hunan province, describing in Caixin magazine the behaviour of family-planning bureaucrats. According to Caixin, local officials would take "illegal children" and pack them off to orphanages where they were put up for adoption. Foreign adoptive parents paid $3,000-5,000 per child. The bureaucrats collected a kickback.
"1997年以前,对违反独生子女政策的处罚是打烂房子…2000年以后,不砸房子了,没收小孩。"安徽省隆回县村民袁朝仁接受财新《新世纪》采访时,这样讲述了计生干部的所作所为。据财新报道,当地官员抓住"非法儿童",把他们送到孤儿院(即社会福利院,译注),用来被人收养。外籍家庭收养一个孩子支付3000至5000美元,官员们则收取提成。

Stealing children is not an official part of Beijing's one-child policy, but it is a consequence of rules that are a fundamental affront to the human rights of parents and would-be parents. The policy damages families and upsets the balance between generations. It is so hated that even within China it is now coming under political attack. For the first time a whole province, Guangdong, with a population of over 100m, is demanding exemptions (see article).
盗抢孩子并不是中国政府独生子女政策的法定组成部分,但却是其恶果之一。这一政策侵犯父母和准父母的基本人权,破坏家庭,打乱代际平衡。人们如此厌恶它,即使在中国国内它也正成为一个政治问题而受到批评。人口过亿的广东省正请求放宽独生子女政策,这在省级层面尚属首次(参见文章)。

A thousand-mile journey begins with a single step
千里之行始于足下


Chinese officials are fiercely attached to the one-child policy. They attribute to it almost every drop in fertility and every averted birth: some 400m more people, they claim, would have been born without it. This is patent nonsense. Chinese fertility was falling for decades before the one-child policy took effect in 1979. Fertility has gone down almost as far and as fast without coercion in neighbouring countries, including those with large Chinese populations. The spread of birth control and a desire for smaller families tend to accompany economic growth and development almost everywhere.
中国官员们不遗余力地严格奉行独生子女政策。生育率有一点下降,出生人数有一点减少,他们都要归功于独生子女政策:他们宣称,要是不实行独生子女政策中国要多生出4亿人。这显然是无稽之谈。中国1979年实行计划生育前,生育率就已持续下降了几十年。中国的邻国,包括那些有大量华人的国家,没有采取过强制措施,生育率下降的速度及程度也和中国差不多。(这是因为)与经济增长和社会发展相伴,越来越多的人节制生育,希望家庭规模小一些,世界各地大体上一样。

But the policy has almost certainly reduced fertility below the level to which it would have fallen anyway. As a result, China has one of the world's lowest "dependency ratios", with roughly three economically active adults for each dependent child or old person. It has therefore enjoyed a larger "demographic dividend" (extra growth as a result of the high ratio of workers to dependents) than its neighbours. But the dividend is near to being cashed out. Between 2000 and 2010, the share of the population under 14―future providers for their parents―slumped from 23% to 17%. China now has too few young people, not too many. It has around eight people of working age for every person over 65. By 2050 it will have only 2.2. Japan, the oldest country in the world now, has 2.6. China is getting old before it has got rich.
不过几乎可以肯定的是,若没有独生子女政策,生育率也会下降,但不会下降得这么快。这样一来,中国成为了全世界"供养比"最低的国家之一,大约每三个具有劳动能力的成人供养一个老人或儿童。因此中国比其邻国享有更为丰厚的"人口红利"(劳动人口与需供养人口之比高可带来额外增长)。但是人口红利正在耗尽。2000至2010年间,14岁以下人口(未来承担父辈养老的人群)占总人口的比重从23%骤降至17%。中国的年轻人不是太多了,而是太少了。目前劳动适龄人口与65岁以上人口之比大约为8比1,到2050年这一数字将只有2.2。现在日本是老龄化最为严重的国家,它的数字是2.6。中国正在走向未富先老。

The policy's distortions have also contributed to other horrific features of family life, notably the practice of aborting female fetuses to ensure that the lone child is a son. The one-child policy is not the sole cause, as India shows, but it has contributed to it. In 20 years' time, there will not be enough native brides for about a fifth of today's baby boys―a store of future trouble. And even had the one-child policy done nothing to reduce births, the endless reiteration of slogans like "one more baby means one more tomb" would have helped to make the sole child a social norm, pushing fertility below the level at which a population reproduces itself. China may find itself stuck with very low fertility for a long time.
独生子女政策的扭曲也带来可怖的家庭悲剧,尤其是那种打掉女胎儿以确保产下独生子的恶习。虽然不能说这全是独生子女政策造成的――印度流产掉女婴的情况也很严重,但它起了推波助澜的作用。今天的男孩子20年后将有五分之一都找不到中国新娘,这是埋在未来的一个隐患。退一步说,就算根本不是独生子女政策导致生育率下降,没完没了反覆出现的类似"多生一个娃,多添一座坟"的标语口号也助长了"只生一个孩子"社会规范的形成,推动生育率滑向人口再生产所必须的水平以下。

Demography is like a supertanker; it takes decades to turn around. It will pose some of China's biggest problems. The old leadership is wedded to the one-child policy, but the new leadership, which is due to take over next year, can think afresh. It should end this abomination as soon as it takes power.
人口问题就像一艘超级油轮,要掉头,得花上几十年。它给中国带来的将是最棘手的问题。现领导层把独生子女政策奉为圭臬,但是明年接任的新领导层可以从全新的角度思考,换届一完成就应当终结这个令人深恶痛绝的政策。