关于达赖喇嘛"退休"的讨论显示西藏仍然需要他，对中国政府来说也是如此。
ENTHRONED in a maroon and saffron pavilion, the 14th Dalai Lama chuckled often as he preached to the football stadium, though his text was not taken from the jolly slogan behind him: "Play soccer for world peace". Ringed by snowcapped Himalayan peaks in Gangtok, capital of the Indian state of Sikkim, which borders Tibet, tens of thousands basked in midwinter sunshine―local Sikkimese of Nepali and ethnic-Tibetan descent, visitors and, of course, Tibetan exiles. The Dalai Lama may exaggerate a bit when he says that 99% of Tibetans trust him. But not by much. So his recent talk of "retirement" has unnerved many.
粟色和藏红色的亭阁上，不时发出阵阵笑声，原来是14世达赖喇嘛在向足球场中的人们布道，他的说教似乎和他身后的具有节日气氛的"为世界和平而踢球"标语有些不相符。前来受教的是成千上万的人群，其中包括尼泊尔的锡金人，藏族人的后裔，游客，当然还有西藏的流亡者。他们聚集在积雪覆盖的喜马拉雅山脉所环绕的甘托克，沐浴在仲冬煦暖的阳光下聆听达赖喇嘛的训诫。甘托克是印属锡金国的首都，毗邻西藏。达赖喇嘛在说到99%的西藏人信仰他时可能有些夸大，但相差也不是太多。因此他最近的"退休"之说引起了很多人的不安。
In November he said he was seriously thinking of retiring. An election in 2001 for his government-in-exile had already ended the 400-year tradition of Dalai Lamas as both spiritual and political leaders. After an election in March this year, he would discuss with the new parliament when to give up his remaining "temporal" role. He expected to retire in the "next few months".
去年十一月份，他就说他在认真考虑退休问题。2001年他所在流亡政府的一次选举结束了400年来达赖喇嘛作为精神领袖和政治领袖的双重身份的传统。今年3月份的选举过后，他就会和新的议会讨论何时放弃他仅余的临时角色。他期待能在"不久的几个月内"退休。
The Dalai Lama has long stressed his work not as a political leader but as a scholar and guardian of the Buddhist tradition he embodies. In Gangtok he attended a seminar on spirituality and science. His lecture on the soccer pitch was on a rather abstruse commentary by a second- or third-century Indian philosopher, Nagarjuna ("The form particle does not produce sense-consciousness because it transcends the senses."). The Dalai Lama turned it into an accessible sermon on how to live your life.
一直以来，达赖喇嘛反复强调自己的工作，不是作为一名政治领袖，而是作为一个具有现身说法的佛教传统的学者并守护人。在甘托克，他是为了参加一个关于灵性和科学的研讨会。在足球场的演说是关于2世纪或3世纪的印度哲学家龙树菩萨极其抽象难懂的佛经注解（结构粒子不产生感觉意识，因为它超越意识而存在）。达赖喇嘛把它转换成通俗易懂的关于人生的布道。
Politics, however, will not let Tibet's spiritual leader go. His presence in Sikkim was in itself a measured gesture of Indian defiance towards China. India annexed the former kingdom in 1975. China long refused to recognise Sikkim's incorporation into India, though since 2004 Chinese maps have shown it as an Indian state, and in 2006 a modest border trade began. The Dalai Lama's eight-day tour of Sikkim was pointedly timed to come just after Wen Jiabao, China's prime minister, had been in Delhi, discussing how to improve ties. Tibet remains one of the strains. The Dalai Lama, with some 100,000 followers, has made his home in India since fleeing Lhasa, Tibet's capital, in 1959.
但是政治不会允许西藏的精神领袖离去。他出现在锡金本身来说就是印度对抗中国的经过权衡的政治表达。印度1975年时吞并了当时的锡金国。中国也曾长时间拒绝承认锡金国并入印政府，尽管2004后中国所出版的地图已把锡金归为印度的一个邦。并且在2006年同锡金也开始了适度的边界贸易。达赖喇嘛对锡金的80天访问有意定在中国总理温家宝离开印度之后，此前温曾飞往新德里商讨如何改善双边关系。西藏问题依旧是一个使双方关系紧张的因素。自从1959年逃离西藏的省会拉萨，达赖喇嘛和大约100，000追随者就在印度定居生活。
Those exiles, and another 6m Tibetans under Chinese rule, make it impossible for the Dalai Lama to quit politics altogether. He remains the only Tibetan they can trust to marshal the international sympathy that keeps their cause alive. Yet China's refusal to talk seriously to his representatives about the future of Tibet seems perverse. For over 20 years he has demanded not the independence many Tibetans crave, but greater autonomy. Probably he alone could make many Tibetans accept this. Moreover, he is a pacifist. China wrongly blamed him for the ferocious ethnic attacks on Han Chinese in riots in Lhasa, in 2008. Without his restraining influence, violence would have been far more frequent.
这些流亡者，再加上在中国统治下的600万西藏人，决定了达赖喇嘛不可能完全推出政治舞台。他依旧是这些人足以信赖，能在国际社会博取同情，维系他们的事业继续发展的仅有的藏族人。因此中国拒绝同他的代表就西藏的未来进行严肃认真的谈判似乎有些不近情理。20年以来他一直要求的不是大多数西藏人渴求的西藏独立，而是更大的自治权。他极有可能独自使很多西藏人接受这一点。此外，他还是一个和平主义者。中国不公正地批评他是2008年针对汉族人残忍的种族袭击的那场暴乱的罪魁祸首。然后真相是如果没有他的有效控制，暴力冲突事件将会更加频繁。
For China, however, the solution to its Tibetan problem is the end of the 14th Dalai Lama. It may be right that when he retires or dies―and though in rude health, he will turn 76 this year―the Tibetan cause will suffer a terminal blow. The Dalai Lama's reincarnation (if any, for the 14th says this is an open question) may well be contested, like that of another senior lama, the Panchen. The tenth Panchen died in 1989. Two children were identified as the 11th, one recognised by the Dalai Lama and most Tibetans, the other by China. The "Tibetan" Panchen vanished from view.
对中国政府来说，解决西藏问题的方法就是14世达赖喇嘛离开政治舞台。或许这是对的，当他退休或者去世，西藏事业将会遭受重创。虽然处于非常糟糕的身体状况，但是达赖喇嘛今年也将达到76岁高龄。达赖喇嘛的衣钵继承（如果有的话，因为14世达赖说这是一个公开的问题）就像另一个享受同样崇高地位的喇嘛――班禅的继承一样，有充分理由引起争议。10世班禅死于1989年，有两个孩子被指定为11世班禅，一个是达赖喇嘛和大多数藏族人承认的，另一人是被中国政府承认的。但是"藏族人"承认的班禅从视野中消失了。
Even an undisputed Dalai Lama would for decades be too young for a political role. In the interim, many Tibetans expect much of another incarnate Buddha, the Karmapa Lama. In this case there is a 17th incarnation, Ogyen Trinley Dorje, who is recognised by both the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government. The school of Tibetan Buddhism he heads has just been celebrating its 900th anniversary in India at Bodh Gaya, site of the bodhi tree under which the Buddha attained enlightenment. So the Karmapas' lineage is even longer than the Dalai Lamas'. Ogyen Trinley, just 25, is an impressive and engaging figure, who has inherited a big foreign following.
数十年以来即使毫无争议的达赖喇嘛因为他们太年轻，无法承担他们的政治角色。期间，众多藏族人对另一个佛陀化身葛玛巴喇嘛赋予更多的期望。这种情况下，17世葛玛巴喇嘛大宝法王邬金钦列多杰被人们所信赖，他既获得了达赖喇嘛的承认也得到了中国政府的首肯。以他为首的藏传佛教学派在印度的菩提伽耶举行了900周年纪念。菩提伽耶即菩提树，佛教的创始人释迦牟尼在它下面参禅悟道。因此葛玛巴的世系要比达赖喇嘛的更长一些。大宝法王邬金钦列多杰，年仅25岁，有独特的个人魅力，给人印象深刻，也获得众多的国外追随者。
He has two problems, however. Yet again, the incarnation is contested, with a rival candidate, also in India, and some fishiness about the identification of the infant Ogyen Trinley. Second, India is suspicious of him. Born in Tibet itself and feted in his youth by the Chinese authorities, he made a dramatic flight to India 11 years ago. Some fear China connived in his escape, hoping to sow discord among exiled Tibetans. That has been the effect, if not the intention. The Karmapas' seat-in-exile, at Rumtek near Gangtok, has seen fisticuffs between supporters of the rival claimants. And the Indian government's refusal to allow Ogyen Trinley to enter Sikkim has become a political issue: the state is littered with posters demanding he be allowed in.
但是他有两个难题。一是在印度也有一个候选人和他竞争对佛陀的化身的继承，而且年幼的大宝法王的身份证明还有一些可疑的地方。二是印度方面怀疑他的企图。他出生于西藏，且在年轻时期受到中国官方的巨大荣誉，于11年前突然飞抵印度。一些人认为中国政府共谋了他的出逃，因为他们认为中国政府希望大宝法王在流亡藏族人中埋下不和谐的种子。即使不是中国政府有意的行为，但确实产生上述效果。葛玛巴流亡所在地位于隆德，靠近甘托克，见证了两方信仰者的冲突。锡金到处贴满了要求大宝法王前来传教的海报，因此印度政府拒绝大宝法王进入锡金传教，也成了一个政治问题。
In a ceremony for the winter solstice at the mountaintop monastery of Rumtek itself, drums throb, horns and conches low mournfully, and monks led by a cleric in elaborate robes and a huge black hat consign an offering to the bonfire. But they are not many, and on hand to watch are only a few tourists and the armed Indian soldiers who patrol the place. The Karmapas' home in exile is in a depression.
这天正值高居山顶的隆德寺庆祝冬至的到来，鼓槌舞动，号角和贝壳声低鸣，法师身着精心设计的长袍，戴着宽大的黑帽，带领着众和尚们对着篝火献祭。但是人并不多，附近只能看到一些游客和全副武装的印度巡逻士兵。流亡中的葛玛巴驻地显得有些不景气。
A job for life
China may calculate that, after the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan exile movement will lose itself in infighting. But that is all the more reason to deal with him. China's control of Tibet is not in doubt. What it lacks is the acquiescence of Tibetans. The Dalai Lama offers the best chance of reconciliation. Three weeks after his "retirement" remarks, the simple monk clarified his position. He had only, he said, been referring to some ceremonial functions―signing documents and so on. Like every Tibetan, he has a responsibility he may not shirk. Talk of his standing down, he said, had caused "anxiety" and "confusion", including inside Tibet.
一生的使命
中国政府或许认为，达赖喇嘛离开政治舞台以后，流亡藏族人运动会在暗斗中迷失自己。这也是中国政府竭力对付他的原因所在。中国政府对西藏的控制是无疑的，她所欠缺的是藏族人对这种状态的默认。达赖喇嘛能够提供和解的最大可能性。在达赖喇嘛的"退休"声明发表三周以后，他阐明了他现在的工作。他说，他一直只参加一些庆典活动――签属一些文件等等。正如每一个藏族人一样，他有一个不能推卸的责任。他还说，有关他"退休"的讨论，引发了包括西藏在内的一些人"担忧"和"困惑"。
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