印度人和中国人怎么看待国内大亨

Asia's new aristocrats
亚洲新贵

What Indians and Chinese make of their tycoons
印度人和中国人怎么看待国内大亨

Jan 20th 2011 | from PRINT EDITION
2011年1月20日 经济学人


Costly cars for comrades
给同志们的高价车

A TINY tropical fish sits in a glass vase on each table in a restaurant in the lobby of the Oberoi Hotel. A bright red piano fills the air with music. The passion fruit soufflé with bitter chocolate pavé and goats' milk ice cream is delicious. The bill would ruin most Indians.

欧贝罗伊酒店餐厅大厅里每张餐桌上都放着一个玻璃花瓶，瓶里有小小的一尾热带鱼。亮红的钢琴，琴声在空气中飘扬。西番莲甜点，牛奶冰淇淋外面有层微带苦涩的纯巧克力，美味！不过价格不菲，大多数印度人来吃一餐可得吃穷了。

One day gunmen walked into the restaurant and shot diners and staff at close range, spattering blood over the walls. At least 175 people died in the attacks that began on November 26th 2008 in Mumbai. The terrorists appear to have chosen their targets precisely. A crowded station, to maximise the death toll. A small Jewish centre. And the poshest hotels in Mumbai―the Taj and the Oberoi―which were packed with the city's elite.

有一天，一群歹徒走进了餐馆，近距离扫射客人与工作人员，鲜血溅在墙上。2008年11月26日发生在孟买的恐怖袭击，死亡人数至少有175人。恐怖主义者把目标选得很精确，一座热闹的车站，以增加死亡人数；孟买最豪华的酒店泰姬玛哈酒店和欧贝罗伊酒店，里面都是这城市的精英们。

"Everyone in my social class lost friends," says Cyrus Guzder, the chairman of AFL, a logistics firm. "We all socialise at the Taj and the Oberoi. We've all been to weddings and parties here." He sits in a soft chair in a members-only club in the Oberoi as a waiter serves canapés. The club is quiet and uncrowded, a rare luxury in this heaving, bustling city of 14m.

欧贝罗伊酒店会员专享的俱乐部很安静，人不多。孟买有一千四百万人口，熙熙攘攘，热闹拥挤，在这城市这样的安静和宽敞非常难得和奢侈。印度物流公司AFL的董事长Cyrus Guzder坐在沙发椅子上，服务员送来冷盘，他说，"我这个社会阶层的人都（在这次袭击中）失去了朋友。我们的聚会交往多在泰姬玛哈和欧贝罗伊酒店，所有人都去这两家酒店参加过婚礼或别的宴会。"

India's movers and shakers all seem to know each other. The Indian elite have created their own islands, frowns a cabinet minister: "It's a bit unhealthy." They send their kids to private schools. They have their own water and electricity. So they barely notice how bad the government is at delivering power, water and schooling to the other 1.2 billion Indians.

印度的大人物们好像都彼此认识，精英们为自己筑了一个岛，一位内阁部长说，"这样的社会状况并不健康。"富人们把孩子送到私人学校上学，用电用水都有专线。所以至于政府为其它12亿印度人提供的水电、教育服务等情况有多糟，富人们很少有机会注意到。

Yet to many Indians the nation's tycoons are heroes. A few made their fortunes corruptly, but the software moguls of Bangalore created a huge export industry out of nothing, and many others helped to spur India's galloping growth. Ratan Tata, the soon-to-retire boss of a conglomerate that produces everything from tea to cars, lives modestly and treats his employees well. The brothers Anil and Mukesh Ambani are more controversial, but they have turned the family business into two global giants, with interests from chemicals to entertainment.

然而许多印度都视国内的大亨巨富为英雄，尽管有一小部分是靠腐败发家的，大多数却为国家做出了贡献，班加罗尔的软件巨头们白手起家为国家创造出巨大的出口产业，其它一些企业家也都在帮助印度快速发展。塔塔集团涉及许多产业，生产的东西从茶叶到汽车应有尽有，即将退休的董事长拉坦塔塔生活较简朴、关心下属。不过，穆卡什和阿尼尔•阿姆巴尼兄弟(的奢侈生活)颇受争议，但他们分别将家族产业发展成了两个全球大集团，从化工到娱乐业全面赢利，也颇为难得。

Some Indian gazillionaires are flashy. Mukesh Ambani's house has 27 stories, three helipads and three floors of hanging gardens. Vijay Mallya, a beer-and-airlines magnate, constantly amuses the newspaper-reading public with his speedboats and sports teams. But for most of the country's elite the most conspicuous item of consumption is sending their children to university in America.

印度有些亿万富翁的生活极其奢侈，穆卡什•阿姆巴尼的豪宅有二十七层，三个直升飞机停场，三层空中花园。维贾伊•马尔雅身为酒业大亨、航空公司老板，常常在报纸上给民众带来他游艇队和足球队的消息。不过，对于大多数印度富人们来说，奢侈无非就是送小孩到美国上大学。

In much of India, life is getting perceptibly better each year. Wealth per person has vaulted by 150% in the past decade, from $2,000 to $5,000. Many Indians think the nation's entrepreneurs deserve some of the credit. In Dharavi, a slum outside Mumbai, an illiterate mother called Aruna sits in her tiny one-room flat, which is home to ten people. Asked how she feels about the rich, she says: "They have worked hard. And we must work hard, too." Her eldest daughter has a job entering data at a bank. The next one is studying diligently. The family may be near the bottom of the ladder, but it sees a way up.

印度大多数地方生活水平每年都有明显的提高，过去十年里，人均财富增加了百分之一百五，从两千美元增加到五千美元。许多印度人都敬重国内的企业家。在达拉维，孟买城郊的贫民区，一位名叫阿鲁�的不识字的母亲，坐在她那住着十个人却只有一个房间的小平房前，当问到她对富人有什么看法时，她说"富人努力工作。我们也应该努力工作。"她的大女儿在一家银行做打字员，第二个女儿正在勤奋学习。她的家庭可能是处在社会的底层，但以后会更好。

The party is watching you
党在监督你

The relationship between rich and poor in China is different. China's stellar growth has lifted some 500m people out of poverty. Much of the credit belongs to Chinese entrepreneurs. Since Mao's boot was lifted from their necks, they have built marvels, from the skyscrapers of Shanghai to the factories of Guangdong. Yet mainland Chinese business leaders operate in the shadow of a secretive and unaccountable ruling party. To get on, many join it. Some do so reluctantly, to avoid being crushed. Others do so gladly, hoping to use the power of the state to enrich themselves.

在中国，穷人与富人的关系却与印度不一样。中国飞快的发展，让大约五亿人走出了贫困，这成绩多亏中国的企业家。自摆脱了从毛的约束后，中国企业家创造了许多奇迹，从上海的摩天大楼到广东的工厂，一座座拨地而起。然而中国大陆的商业领导人还得在那不公开又难以捉摸的党的阴影下活动，为了继续下去，有些领导人加入党，有些是不情愿地加入了，以避免事业受到上损害，有些是开开心心地加入了，希望能够利用国家的力量为自己致富。

Individual party members are not entirely above the law. If a local bigwig behaves so appallingly that the resulting protests are heard in Beijing, the party may cut him down to size. In October last year the son of Li Gang, a senior police officer in Baoding, killed a pedestrian while allegedly drink-driving. He sped off, shouting, "report me if you dare; my dad is Li Gang!"

党员并不能真的凌驾于法律之上，如果地方权贵行为太差，民众的抗议声都传到了京城，党就会处分他了。去年十月，保定市警察局长李刚的儿子酒后驾驶撞死了人，飞驶而去，扔下话说，"你敢告就去告我啊，我爸是李刚。"

News of the incident went viral in the Chinese blogosphere. Pop songs with the refrain "My dad is Li Gang!" quickly circulated. Li Gang was forced to make a televised apology. His son was arrested. China's leaders would like the 95% of the population who are not members to think that the party cares. But the most revealing fact is that Mr Li junior evidently thought he could get away it.

这一事件在网络上引起了很大反响，有人写了流行歌曲，副歌部分反复唱"我爸是李刚"，在网上广为流传。李刚没办法，电视上公开道歉，他儿子被捕了，中国的领导人希望占人口95%群众知道党关心群众，不过为何小李们老是认为仅凭他老爸是李刚，就能逃脱所有法律制裁呢？

The party's tentacles are everywhere. State-owned firms do its bidding. Private firms must avoid offending it. Projects it supports make rapid progress. For example, it wants China to dominate the market for green energy. So when the price of polycrystalline silicon (the main raw material for solar panels) shot up in 2007-08, a businessman, Zhu Gongshan, won swift approval to build a factory to make it, and China's sovereign-wealth fund invested $710m in his venture.

党无处不在。国有企业参加党的招投标，私有企业必须尽量避免侵犯到党。党支持的项目可能快速发展，比如，党要中国成为绿色能源市场的主导，当2007到2008年度多晶硅（制造太阳能面板的主要原材料）价格大涨的时候，朱共山要建制造多晶硅的工厂，马上得到了支持，并且得到了中投公司七亿一千万美元的投资。

But since the party is accountable neither to voters nor to the law, there is little to prevent its bosses from abusing their power. The children of some of China's leaders have amassed huge fortunes in murky ways. Banks often lend to the well-connected instead of the creditworthy. Local leaders levy taxes that have no basis in law.

既然选民或法律对党都没有约束力，那么大官员自然可以肆无忌惮地滥用权力。有些中国领导人的孩子就以灰色手段大量敛财。而且银行贷款，不是贷给信用良好的人，而是贷给有关系的人。地方官员征税也不用法律依据。

Because business and power are so entwined, even the most able businesspeople are treated with suspicion outside China. For example, Huawei, a maker of telecoms equipment, whose products are generally considered excellent, nevertheless has trouble doing business in America because its founder, Ren Zhengfei, is a retired army officer. Some American congressmen assume that Huawei is a front for the People's Liberation Army. They fear that if the firm is allowed to supply sensitive communications infrastructure, it might bug it so that China's spies can listen in. There is no evidence to support this idea, but no way to investigate it either: Huawei's ownership structure is opaque.

官商勾结如此普遍，所以中国商人的能力在国外总要受到怀疑。电信器材公司华为，其产品质量优良，可是在美国做生意却受到阻拦，因为华为老总任正非系退休军官，所以有些美国国会议员认为华为是中国人民解放军的下属企业，担心如果华为给国家的通信基础设施提供产品，可能会有什么机关让中国间谍偷听了国家机密。这当然是无稽之谈，可是也没有办法解释清楚，华为的所有权结构是不透明的。

The perception that commercial success often depends on political ties makes inequality in China more galling. In the mid-1980s Chinese incomes were more evenly distributed than India's―hardly surprising, since China was nominally communist and India is afflicted by a caste system. But now China is less equal than India, with a Gini coefficient of 0.4 to India's 0.37. China has 800,000 dollar millionaires, but also 400m people who live on less than $2 a day.

商业成功总要依靠与政权的联系，所以中国的不平等更让人愤愤不平。在二十世纪八十年代，中国收入分配比印度平均，这没什么奇怪的，中国至少名义上是共产主义，而印度深受种姓制度的影响。但现在中国收入分配比印度更不公平，中国的基尼系数是0.4，印度0.37。中国有八十万名百万美元的富翁（译者说，这么少吗？算了下按14亿人口，每1750人当中有一位，也不少吧），同时又有四亿人民依靠每日平均2美元的收入过日子。

The disparity between rural and urban incomes is also vast. City-dwellers make two-and-a-half times as much as rural Chinese―the widest such gap in any big country. This is partly because of a system of residence permits, called hukou, that resembles the pass system in South Africa under apartheid. People with a city hukou can live and work there freely. Those with a rural hukou can come to a city only as guest workers. Some 150m rural Chinese work in cities without the right to live there, in effect making them foreigners in their own country. They often cannot use public schools and clinics, and they are barred from public housing. Peasants who protest can be deported back to the countryside.

城市与农村的收入差距也很大。城市人均收入是农村人均的2.5倍，在较大的国家里是差距最大的。这种差距也许与户口制度有关，户口制度类似于非洲种族隔离时期的情况，城市户口的人能在该市自由生活和工作，可是农村户口的人只在做为打工的外来人口，大概有一亿五千万农村人在城市里打工，他们都不能享受在那里生活的权利，事实上成了在国内的"外来人口"，基本上都不能享受公共学校、公共医疗的服务，更别提公共住房的待遇了。如果你想抗议，城市可以把你遣回农村去。

The government has promised to liberalise the hukou system, but cities can still exclude anyone they like, and often do. Real freedom of movement would prompt 250m peasants to move to the cities, predicts Yukon Huang, a former head of the World Bank's office in China. City folk don't want that. The incomers might clog their schools, build slums on their doorstep or compete with them for jobs.

政府承诺改革户口制度，然而各个城市现在还是有权力遣回任何没有城市户口的人，而且经常使用到这项权力。如果真要改革，据前世界银行中国局局长黄育川估计有两亿五千万人要涌进城市。城市人当然不愿意，到时候学校里都是农村来的小孩，门口是农村人的贫民窟，农村人还要和城里人竞争工作。

Or for women. Guy Sorman, the author of a sceptical book about China, "The Empire of Lies", describes a rule in Shanghai that allows a local man to obtain a hukou for his wife from outside after 15 years of marriage, but makes no provision for a Shanghai woman to marry someone from elsewhere. Asked why not, the mayor's office told Mr Sorman it was unthinkable that a Shanghai woman would marry a "foreigner".

中国对女性也不公平。索尔孟（Guy Sorman）写了一本关于中国的书《谎言帝国》，书中讲道上海市有一项规定本地男性如果与外地女性结婚，婚后十五年可以为妻子申请上海户口，可是却没有上海女性与外地男性结婚为丈夫申请户口的条例，索尔孟问市长办公室的人为什么，得到的回答却是，"上海女人会和外地人结婚，不可想象。"

The hukou system was designed to help the party control the people. But by creating two Chinas, it is building up tensions that one day could explode.

户口制度的设立是为了让党能更好地控制人民但是无形中建起了两个中国，两者之差距所带来的压力终有一天要爆发的。






赘言：全文显示了印度的美好和中国的体制腐朽。选举、多党、权力制衡，这是经济学人的信条，也是现代西方政治文化的信条。
本文有偏颇亦有实情，关于实情，在我看来，这不是一篇写亚洲新贵的文章，而是一篇写中国制度与目前社会矛盾的文章。经济学人看中国制度，它讲我们应当依法治国，应当制衡监督党行使执政之权力。它讲得对，党的观点是也是这样的，不同的就是一个坚持多党才能制衡，一个坚持党自身加强建设。
关于偏颇，本文所讲印度就那么社会和谐，中国就这样矛盾重重？我认为不是。但是我们仍然不能忽略矛盾，收入分配不公平、城乡差距过大实际上是我们能切身感受到的。希望以后人人有其业、有居所。

clip_image001.jpg (38.67 KB, 下载次数: 0)

昨天 23:35 上传

下载次数: 0