邓小平的遗产
The great stabiliser
伟大的稳定器
The definitive biography of a diminutive giant of the 20th century
关于一位20世纪小个子伟人的权威传记
Oct 22nd 2011 | from the print edition
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Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China. By Ezra Vogel. Belknap Press; 928 pages; $39.95 and ￡29.95. Buy from Amazon.com, Amazon.co.uk
《邓小平与中国的变革》，作者：傅高义，贝拉纳普出版社,928页，售价39.95美元或29.95英镑，亚马逊有售。
EARLIER this year, as the Arab spring blew through the Middle East, nervous Chinese officials were heard asking Western diplomats and journalists whether they thought (off the record) that China would be next. As it turns out, China has been left unfazed by this mutinous trend for reasons ranging from internet censorship to the swift arrests of dissidents. But one important damper on protest has been in the works for a while: China’s massive economic growth over the past few decades has left enough people satisfied with the system for now. Also, the country does not have a cultish figure like Hosni Mubarak or Colonel Muammar Qaddafi to act as a lightning rod for dissent.
今年早些时候，阿拉伯之春席卷中东之时，惶恐不安的中国官员们曾向西方外交官和记者们提出这样的问题：私底下你们会认为中国是下一个吗？正如事实表明的那样，由于从互联网审查到对异见分子的迅速逮捕等这样那样的原因，中国在反叛潮流中纹丝不动。不过，对抗议起关键性抑制作用的因素却是：在过去数十年间中国可观的经济增长使足够多的人们满足于现行的体制。同样，中国也没有像穆巴拉克或卡扎菲这样搞个人崇拜成为众矢之的的人物。
For this the Chinese Communist Party has to thank a little chain-smoking man who died nearly a decade and a half ago: Deng Xiaoping, the paramount leader from 1978 to 1992. Ezra Vogel’s new biography portrays Deng as not just the maker of modern China, but one of the most substantial figures in modern history.
因此中国共产党应该感谢一位烟不离手的、约于15年前去世的小个子：邓小平。他是中国1978年至1992年的最高领导人。傅高义的新传记不仅将邓描述成现代中国的制造者，还认为邓是现代历史上的重要人物之一。
If Chairman Mao was the architect of an assertive, socialist China, Deng pulled off the even tougher feat of reversing most of what Mao had done and calling it “socialism”. Mr Vogel, a professor emeritus at Harvard University, has written a meticulously researched book that concentrates mainly on the story from the mid-1970s to the 1990s. He could have subtitled the book not the “transformation” but the “stabilisation” of China, as he describes Deng’s impressive calming strategy at home and abroad. Deng placated the near and not-so-near neighbours whom Mao had angered or terrified, continuing his unfinished diplomacy with America (leading to one of history’s most incongruous photo-ops as Deng donned a big cowboy hat), and mending bridges with the Soviet Union. A messy war with Vietnam in 1979 was the exception that proved the rule of avoiding military confrontation.
如果说毛主席是一个自信的社会主义中国的缔造者，那么邓小平胜利地完成了更为艰难的任务：彻底改变许多毛已经做下的并称之为“社会主义”的事情。哈佛大学荣誉教授傅高义撰写了一本精心研究的书，集中反映了上世纪中国70年代到90年代的历史。正如他描述邓在国内外让人印象深刻的冷静战略一样，他本可以将这本书的副标题命名为中国的“稳定”，而非中国的“转变”。邓安抚了被毛激怒的或恐吓的远远近近的国家，继续推行毛未完成的对美外交（于是有了那张史上最不协调的照片——邓戴上了一顶硕大的牛仔帽），修复与苏联的关系——1979年那场与越南的棘手战争是避免军事对抗规定的例外。
On the domestic front, Deng established free-trade zones, dismantled collective farms and wooed foreign capital. This represented a breathtaking ideological reversal, which Deng characterised pragmatically, because the party had no money to spare: “We will give you a policy that allows you to charge ahead and cut through your own difficult road.” And in the aftermath of the Beijing spring of 1989, when conservatives in the leadership tried to chill the pace of reform, Deng struck out by taking a “vacation” in China’s free-trade zones. His aim was to kick-start the economic growth that was heading toward double digits by the time he died in 1997. He missed by a few months the handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China, which he had negotiated, and which burnished his nationalist credentials.
在中国第一线城市，邓小平建立了自由贸易区，拆除了人民公社、并寻求外资注入。这表明意识形态突破性地转变为邓小平特色的务实主义。因为共产党拿不出钱，“我们将给你们一个政策，允许你们冲上前去披荆斩棘。”1989年北京之春以后，当领导层的保守派们试图给改革步伐泼冷水时，邓走出北京在中国的自由贸易区“度假”。他的目的在于为中国经济在1997年他去世时以两位数增长提供初始动力。他错过了数月之后香港从英国回到中国怀抱的交接，此前的谈判是他完成的，他民族主义者的形象也因此更为深入人心。
Deng also dismantled the cult of leadership that had culminated in Mao’s Cultural Revolution. Ironically, he used his own strength of personality to diminish the importance of a charismatic leader. His successor, Jiang Zemin, was chosen for his technocratic skills and ability to compromise, not for his charm. Deng’s work habits helped manage this transition from Maoist political culture. His regular morning schedule was breakfast at 8am, followed by assiduous reading of ministerial reports, 15 domestic newspapers and a range of (translated) foreign press materials. The quest for total knowledge, along with his own revolutionary credentials, enabled him to outmanoeuvre colleagues who wanted to preserve their own fiefdoms within the leadership. Deng initiated China’s system of regular political succession, which is expected to see another transition of power in October next year.
邓小平同样废除了在毛的文化大革命中孕育出的领袖崇拜。讽刺的是，他正是用个人魅力来消解超凡魅力领导的重要性的。之所以选江泽民为邓的继任者，不是因其个人魅力，而是他技术治国的技巧和妥协的能力。邓的工作习惯有助于完成这种从毛时代政治文化的过渡。通常他上午的计划是8点钟吃早餐，然后认真地阅读部长报告、15份国内报纸和一系列翻译过的国外媒体材料。与那些只想保持领导地位的同事相比，他对知识的探求，以及自身的革命资历都让他略高一筹。邓开始了中国通常的政治交接体制，明年10月会见证另外一次权力过渡。
Mr Vogel knows China’s elites extremely well, not least because of his years as an intelligence officer in East Asia for the Clinton administration. This book is bolstered by insider knowledge and outstanding sources, such as interviews with Deng’s interpreters. But this vantage tends to give Deng the benefit of the doubt, and the author works hard to diminish the stain on his reputation left by the notorious killings in Tiananmen Square in 1989. Mr Vogel points out that other developing economies such as South Korea engaged in state violence of a comparable scale at the time.
傅高义对中国的精英们相当了解，这主要是因为他曾担任克林顿当局东亚情报官员数年。这本书里还有许多内情和良好的信息来源，如对邓的翻译的采访等。不过这种优势似乎表明邓是无辜的。作者在消除1989年天安门事件中邓留下的污点上下了很大的功夫。傅高义指出，其他的发展中经济体如韩国在同一时期实施了同样规模的国家暴力。
Although Deng commendably brought stability to China, violence was central to his formation. As Roderick Macfarquhar and Michael Schoenhals (a former Harvard colleague of Mr Vogel’s) have shown in their epic book “Mao’s Last Revolution”, Deng was responsible for purges in the later years of the Cultural Revolution that matched the Gang of Four for brutality. In 1975 he ordered the army to crack down on a Muslim village in Yunnan province, an action which resulted in 1,600 deaths including those of 300 children. Deng’s response to the student and worker protests 14 years later was hardly out of character.
尽管邓值得赞赏地给中国带来了稳定，但在其统治占据中心位置的是暴力。正如罗德里克・麦克法夸尔和沈迈克（傅高义在哈佛大学的前同事）在他们史诗般的书籍《毛最后的革命》中指出的那样，邓应该对文革后期的清洗负责，在残忍方面与四人帮比毫不逊色。1975年，他下令军队镇压云南一个穆斯林村庄，在行动中导致1600人死亡，其中300个是孩童。邓在十四年后对学生和工人抗议的反应实是性格使然。
Much of this book contains previously unheard and highly indiscreet quotations. For example, Deng thought Mikhail Gorbachev was an “idiot”, according to one of his sons. So this tome is unlikely to be published in China anytime soon. Still, the manuscript was read by Chinese political insiders for accuracy, making this the definitive account of Deng in any language. Mr Vogel eloquently makes the case for Deng’s crucial role in China’s transformation from an impoverished and brutalised country into an economic and political superpower. Three and a half decades after Mao’s death, the next generation of Chinese will have no personal memory of the little man from Guang’an County in Sichuan province. All the same, they will be Deng Xiaoping’s children.
该书含有大量此前闻所未闻且用语极不谨慎的（邓）之谈话引文。举例来说，根据邓一个儿子的说法，邓认为戈尔巴乔夫是个“白痴”。所以这部大书不大可能很快就能在中国出版。尽管如此，为精确起见，这部手稿还是经过中国政治圈内人士的阅读，使在任何语言中这都是对邓话语的权威叙述。傅高义极具说服力地举例说明了邓在中国从贫穷残酷统治之国向政治经济大国转变中的所扮演的关键角色。在毛死后35年，中国的下一代们并没有关于这个来自四川广安县的小个子的个人记忆。尽管如此，他们依旧是邓的子孙。
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